Home Politics This moral decay in the ANC is MORAL DECAY in our SOCIETY...

This moral decay in the ANC is MORAL DECAY in our SOCIETY at Large

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Scandal after another in the liberation movement and desperate attempts by the leadership to sweep them under the carpet work wonders for the opposition. “I will pray for the ANC the day it looses power” – Bishop Desmond Dudu.

“Poacher’s Pipeline” documentary aired on 13 November and is available on Al Jazeera’s site, in the investigation the documentary implicates Mahlobo’s wife in doing business with a Chinese massage spar owner and a rhino horn trafficker. The documentary alleges ties between South African State Security Minister David Mahlobo and alleged Chinese organised crime figure and rhino horn trafficker living in South Africa, Guan Jiang Guang.

The Chinese government, through its embassy, has already distanced itself from any business relationship with Mr. Guang. The documentary shows a photograph of the Chinese national Mr. Guans and Mr. Mahlobo on his cellphone. Guang reportedly said he knew Mahlobo and openly bragged about bribing South African justice and immigration officials.

Mahlobo himself issued a statement following the documentary’s release denying a friendship with Guang. The Minister further insisted that he was being unfairly associated with the self-confessed Chinese criminal when he was just visiting an Mbombela spar owned by Guang.

Cry the beloved motherland!

Do you still remember how loud Jacob Zuma screamed when he was accused of having a felonious relationship with Shabir Shaik and his family? How their relationship was of a thug and a law man? He said my relationship with Shabir Shaik is “nothing but a personal friendship” but later in the court of law many secrets were revealed. There was illegal money transactions and were uncovered that even led to the imprisonment of Shabir Shaik for 24 months. It was proven that Shaik’s family has been paying for Zuma’s expenses for many years – to buy him out for lucrative businesses in government once Zuma assents to power.

Do you still remember the case of Tony Yengeni? He was accused of unlawfully benefiting in the purchases of X5 BMW and Mercedes Benze for him and state ministers. He was accused that instead of fairly negotiating for the discounts he monetarily benefitted in the discounting of such vehicles. He refused loudly these allegations as well saying “these accusations are nothing but political conspiracies”. Later in court it was proven that Yengeni benefited unlawfully in these transections and was imprisoned for one year.

Remember an old timer Jacky Selebi too? He went down in history as a corrupt man, first by denying any relationship with the notorious gangs’ leader called Glen Aglioti. He refused soberly that he had no relationship with Glen Aglioti gang and international drug traffickers. But when he was cross-questioned in court Selebi and his wife agreed to have accepted “gifts” from the gang leader. It was also proven that Selebi allowed this gang to move drugs in and out of the country in the instruction of these gang.

The Nkandla case of Jacob Zuma again; he is screaming out loud recently saying “I did not ask anyone to build me that house. Ask those who have decided on the house and the costs related”. If you can take the matter to court, Jacob Zuma would be as guilty as a dog that ate chicken’s eggs – with all the yolk on its mouth.

These are the crisis of leadership and in the society that have accepted and adopted the neo-liberalism as its economic model; Crisis after another, scandal after another and the law that protects the system allows the elites to continue to loot public resources.

But there has been a long tradition in some parts of sociology, political science and economics that says that the laws and policy of a society reflect the interests of the owners of the society’s productive assets—slave owners in slave society, landowners in agrarian societies, and the owners of business enterprises and money capital in capitalist societies.

Capitalists, as a group, major investors and high-level executives are the wealthiest people in capitalist society. They enjoy an abundance of all the good things capitalist societies have to offer: comfort, security, entertainment, law, sybaritic pleasures, freedom from toil and drudgery, the finest food, palatial residences, the best educational opportunities, and so on. They benefit most from the way in which South African society is organised. This is almost self-evident. It stands to reason that in a capitalist society the class that benefits is the capitalist class. More-so, the weakest end up in prison and the strongest walk away with it.

In this system the whole parliament represent the capitalist class. They protect the system and advance it by passing the laws that favours the capitalists – to continue to loot resources and leave millions of peasantry and working class to toil – in debts, homeless, unemployment, crime and in squatter camps. The main aim of parliament in this system is to make sure that those who toil the streets do not revolt and demand the change of the system. They keep them hoping that someone somewhere in parliament is doing something about their plights.

Remember, the Constitutional Court ruled on the 31st March 2016 that both the President and parliament flouted democratic values by allowing the President to use public funds for his private home in Nkandla. This is true. Both the President and the parliament must then be dissolved; if we have to apply the laws of a real democracy.

But because capitalist system uses capitalist democratic procedures and flaws, these incidences remain protected and can continue to exist for as long the parliament is flaunted by the capitalist class. Zuma, Yengeni, Selebi and Mahlobo are just a tip of the iceberg. The real thieves are hiding in these big buildings in black suits, long shoes and red tie. They own and control what we think, what we eat and which political party to vote for.

Therefore, the calling for the establishment of workers revolution; community -workers committees and worker-youth committees are needed everywhere if we are to destroy the system. With the support of the rank and file soldiers, to organise mass action to dissolve parliament and to set up a new Constituent Assembly that has no pre-conditions that protect the capitalist class, such as what happened at Codesa

in 1990/91, is an example of a transitional demand. The masses, in this struggle, will realize that only the organised workers’ committees and their councils of delegates, is capable of forcing the democratic recall of the President and parliament. No other class is capable of enforcing such a basic democratic principle.

In the ANC-SACP-COSATU alliance, the history of the past 22 years have shown precisely that the tying of the workers in an alliance with the black middle class and capitalist class is what has postponed the attainment of the most basic demands of even the Freedom Charter, let alone the struggle for Socialism. The Freedom Charter, with its dependence on the multi-class ‘people’, in other words, an alliance between the working class and the middle and capitalist class, stems directly from the NDR conception of the SACP. Thus, by clinging to the Freedom Charter and the NDR, the SACP and unions leaders signal that they will fight tooth and nail to prevent the working class seizure of power.

COSATU should leave the ANC. The yellow communists cannot – history have taught us that once the taste of money and power have its way in the pocket of the conscious communist the roots are now rotten and the tree will dye soon. Look at the Communist Party of China. Every week there is a new leader being caught dibbing his hands in the public’s purse. It is as a result of a communist who have had money entering his pockets. The morals die out.

The corporate elite is also over-represented in key positions in the state and important public policy decision-making processes. For example, most members of the SA parliament are millionaires, whose millions have come from their connections to business enterprises.

What’s more, the corporate elite successfully initiates, modifies and rejects public policy alternatives to the system – they will go as far as blocking any opportunity to recall the president. It dominates the public and political landscape and sphere by sponsoring and directing an extensive network of political formation and advocacy groups such as the MKVA, ANCYL and ANCWL that press the government to retain the president, the system and adopt pro-corporate policies.

The corporate community owns the mass media and has a vast public relations network to get its point of view across to the public. It finances political campaigns. And it shapes the behavior of politicians by holding out the promise of very lucrative post-political careers in the executive suite and positions on corporate boards of directors to politicians who champion interests of the corporate community while in power.

High-level executives frequently rotate between senior jobs in the corporate world and important posts in public service. Mahlobo will be protected, if not he cannot go unemployed. Where is Trevor Manuel? He is in the board committees of some banks somewhere in Durban. Where is Tito Mboweni? He is in some board committees in some banks in Johannesburg. The list is many.